User:AmazingJus/sandbox/blackcountry

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Phonology[edit]

Consonants[edit]

  • T-glottalization is frequently found amongst teenagers and also variably common amongst young adults, but very rare in the elderly. It is also more prevalent before approximants and word-final environments. A moderate form [ʔt] (instead of [ʔ]) is also found, but notably among teenagers and young female adults. [ɾ] is another possible allophone for /t/ when prevocalic.[1]
    • Similarly, /k, p/ are also glottalised ([ʔk, ʔp]), though less so with /p/.[2]
  • Ng-coalescence is common, being especially common in conscious speech and generally among women. G dropping is also present in colloquial speech amongst teenagers and the elderly. /ŋ/ is the most common amongst the middle class.[1]
  • The dental fricatives /θ, ð/ may be labialised in a growing amount of teenagers especially boys. It is mainly found in initial and medial positions such as three and bother, with the exception of function words such as the, this and that. The standard forms /θ, ð/ are standard amongst adults.[3]
  • H-dropping is extremely common including when reading, though /h/ may be pronounced in some older middle-class speakers.[3]
  • Yod-dropping is frequent with teenagers and sometimes with the elderly, especially with the word new ([nuː]). It is also prevalent when reading.[3]
  • While the accent is non-rhotic, linking and intrusive R is present. It is generally realised as a postalveolar [ɹ], but a tapped [ɾ] can sometimes be found intervocallically. R-labialisation (where /r/ is labialised to [ʋ]), prevalent in several British dialects, is rare in the Black Country.[3]
  • Dark l (where /l/ is pronounced as [ɫ]) is extremely common, found in all positions among males and careful speech, but a clear realisation [l] is also realised by females prevocalically, such as a lot.[3]
    • L-vocalization, found word-medially and word-finally, is also common, but especially frequent amongst younger speakers. It is also reported in careful reading.[3]

Vowels[edit]

Monophthongs[edit]

  • The TRAP vowel is generally very front, short and open [æ] compared to northern dialects, however a more northern [a] can sometimes be heard among older males.[4] Sometimes an archaic, overlong [æːː] can be heard even among teenagers, such as in champion [ˈt͡ʃæːːmpiən].[5]
    • The trap-bath split is typically absent, using [æ] in words like laugh, chance and fast, though sometimes a more RP-like [ɑː] can be heard infrequently in more careful pronunciation, particularly among females.[4]
  • LOT is typically [ɒ] with an occasional [ɔ]. An archaic, receding /æ/ or /ɛ/ can be used when the word is descended from Old English a (such as wash /wæʃ/, from Old English wasċan).[4]
  • Most speakers realise SQUARE with a monophthongal [ɛː], although diphthongal [ɛə] can sometimes be found among the elderly.[6]
  • A close and central [ə̝ː] for NURSE is typical in reading text, especially for teenagers and the elderly. However, a more open, RP-like variant [əː] is recorded in conversational speech as well as among teenage girls and middle-class speakers. An occasional fronted [ə̟ː] is reported amongst the elderly and working class.[7]
  • Word-final COMMA is typically less central and more fronted [ɛ] than the schwa.[2]
  • An RP-like realisation for FLEECE ([iː]) has been attested, with diphthongal realisations ([ɪi~əi]) heard especially among the working class and elderly.[7]
  • The FOOTSTRUT split is absent in which foot and strut are both typically pronounced the same. An open-back vowel realisation ([ɒ]), is most common among elderly speakers, whilst younger speakers pronounce this more often before consonants /ŋ/ and /l/, leading to long/lung and doll/dull being homophonic. The more typical and close northern pronunciation of [ʊ] also occurs especially in disyllabic words and by teenagers in more deliberate enunciations.[4]
    • Rarely, the split is absent, with STRUT being pronounced like a schwa [ə], especially in the word but.[4]
  • GOOSE is usually [uː], with a diphthongal versional amongst elderly speakers. An occasional offglide to [uə] is also possible especially between morpheme boundaries.[8]

Diphthongs[edit]

  • A very distinct diphthong for the FACE vowel is characterised by a very open and front onset ([æi]). There is a distinct, drawl from the triphthongisation of the vowel [æiə] in emphatic speech, and may even be disyllabic across morpheme boundaries (e.g. days pronounced as [dæi.əz]). A more close onset ([ɛi]) can also be heard amongst elderly speakers.[7]
  • MOUTH is a very wide diphthong; its onset is front and open and the offset is very close, leading to [æu~ɛu]. Working class males may have an even closer onset ([eu]). The GOOSE vowel when diphthongised may merge with the MOUTH vowel, leading shouting and shooting to be homophonic. A triphthongised version exists: [ɛuə].[9]
  • PRICE is usually [ai~ɑi], but can occasionally merge with CHOICE ([ɔi]). Note also the triphthongisation [aiə].[7]
  • GOAT typically fluctuates between [aʊ~ɔʊ], with the latter, more back variant being more prevalent in older speakers. Middle-class speakers may even use an RP-like [əʊ] especially in more enunciated settings.[8]
  • CHOICE is [ɔi], with an attested triphthong realisation [ɔiə].[7]
  • NEAR is [iə], becoming monophthongised [iː] with a linking r, such as near him [ˈniːɹ‿im].[2]
  • The onset of the CURE vowel is very close, back and rounded, occasionally central [(ə)uːə]. It can also be shortened to [ʊə] or even monophthongised ([ɔː]).[2]

Phonemic incidence[edit]

  • can't often uses [ɔː], as in can't have it [kɔːɹ‿ˈæv‿it].[4]
  • soft is frequently pronounced with short /a/.[4]
  • make and take may take a short /ɛ/ vowel amongst elderly speakers.[8]
  • France has an occasional long vowel [æː].[4]
  1. ^ a b Mathisen (1999), pp. 110–1.
  2. ^ a b c d Mathisen (1999), p. 110.
  3. ^ a b c d e f Mathisen (1999), p. 111.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h Mathisen (1999), p. 108.
  5. ^ Mathisen (1999), p. 107.
  6. ^ Mathisen (1999), pp. 108, 110.
  7. ^ a b c d e Mathisen (1999), pp. 108–9.
  8. ^ a b c Mathisen (1999), p. 109.
  9. ^ Mathisen (1999), pp. 109–10.