User:40bus/IPA/Denti-alveolar sounds

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1[edit]

c˭, k˭, q˭] or partially voiced [b̥˭, d̥˭, ɟ̊˭, ɡ̊˭, ɢ̊˭, ]. After /s/ within the same syllable, only unaspirated voiceless stops occur.[1]

  • /s/ is dentalized laminal alveolar [s̪] or (uncommonly) non-retracted apical alveolar [s̺].[2]
  • /ʂ/ is pronounced with protruded lips [ʂʷ]. The degree of protrusion depends on the rounding of the following vowel.[3]
  • /h/ is a (usually voiceless) fricative. The friction is normally glottal [h], but sometimes it is dorsal: palatal [ç] when near front vowels, velar [x] near back vowels. It can be voiced [ɦ ~ ʝ ~ ɣ] between two voiced sounds.[4]
  • /ʋ, l, j, ɾ/ are partially voiced or fully voiceless [f, l̥, ç, ɾ̥] when they occur after /p, t, k, f/ (but not when /s/ precedes within the same syllable). The flap /ɾ/ is also partially voiced or fully voiceless when it occurs postvocalically before /p, k, f/.[5]
  • The approximants /ʋ, j/ may be realized as fricatives [v, ʝ]:[6][7]
    • /ʋ/ is sometimes a fricative, especially before a pause and in emphatic pronunciation.[6][7]
    • There is not an agreement about the frequency of occurrence of the fricative allophone of /j/:
      • Kristoffersen (2000) states that /j/ is sometimes a fricative.[6]
      • Vanvik (1979) states that the fricative variant of /j/ occurs often, especially before and after close vowels and in energetic pronunciation.[7]
  • /l/ is in process of changing from laminal denti-alveolar [l̪] to apical alveolar [l̺], which leads to neutralization with the retroflex allophone [ɭ]. Laminal realization is still possible before vowels, after front and close vowels and after consonants that are not coronal, and is obligatory after /n, t, d/. A velarized laminal [ɫ̪] occurs after mid back vowels /ɔ, oː/, open back vowels /ɑ, ɑː/, and sometimes also after the close back vowels /ʊ, uː/.[8] However, Endresen (1990) states that at least in Oslo, the laminal variant is not velarized, and the difference is only between an apical and a laminal realization.[9]
  • /ɾ/ is a voiced apical alveolar flap [ɾ̺]. It is occasionally trilled [r], e.g. in emphatic speech.[10]
  • Retroflex allophones [ɳ, ʈ, ɖ, ɽ, ɽr, ɭ̝, ɭ, ɭ̆] have been variously described as apical alveolar [n̺, t̺, d̺, ɾ̺, r̺, ɬ̺, l̺, ɺ̺], and apical postalveolar [n̠, t̠, d̠, ɾ̠, r̠, ɬ̠, l̠, ɺ̠].
  • /ɽ/ alternates with /l/ in many words (in a small set of words also with /ɾ/), but there is a small number of words in which only /ɽ/ occurs.[11]
  • /ŋ, k, ɡ/ are velar, whereas /j/ is palatal.[1]
  • /ç/ may be palatal [ç], but is often alveolo-palatal [ɕ] instead. It is unstable in many dialects, and younger speakers in Bergen, Stavanger and Oslo merge /ç/ with /ʂ/ into [ʂ].[12]
  • Glottal stop [ʔ] may be inserted before word-initial vowels. In very emphatic speech, it can also be inserted word-medially in stressed syllables beginning with a vowel.[13]

Most of the retroflex (and postalveolar) consonants are mutations of [ɾ]+any other alveolar/dental consonant; rn /ɾn/ > [ɳ], rt /ɾt/ > [ʈ], rl /ɾl/ > [ɭ], rs /ɾs/ > [ʂ], etc. /ɾd/ across word boundaries (sandhi), in loanwords and in a group of primarily literary words may be pronounced [ɾd], e.g., verden [ˈʋæɾdn̩], but it may also be pronounced [ɖ] in some dialects. Most of the dialects in Eastern, Central and Northern Norway use the retroflex consonants. Most Southern and Western dialects do not have these retroflex sounds; in these areas a guttural realization of the /r/ phoneme is commonplace, and seems to be expanding. Depending on phonetic context voiceless ([χ]) or voiced uvular fricatives ([ʁ]) are used. (See map at right.) Other possible pronunciations include a uvular approximant [ʁ̞] or, more rarely, a uvular trill [ʀ]. There is, however, a small number of dialects that use both the uvular /r/ and the retroflex allophones.

The retroflex flap, [ɽ], colloquially known to Norwegians as tjukk/tykk l ('thick l'), is a Central Scandinavian innovation that exists in Eastern Norwegian (including Trøndersk), the southmost Northern dialects, and the most eastern Western Norwegian dialects. It is supposedly non-existent in most Western and Northern dialects. Today there is doubtlessly distinctive opposition between /ɽ/ and /l/ in the dialects that do have /ɽ/, e.g. gard /ɡɑːɽ/ 'farm' and gal /ɡɑːl/ 'crazy' in many Eastern Norwegian dialects. Although traditionally an Eastern Norwegian dialect phenomenon, it was considered vulgar, and for a long time it was avoided. Nowadays it is considered standard in the Eastern and Central Norwegian dialects,[14] but is still clearly avoided in high-prestige sociolects or standardized speech. This avoidance calls into question the status of /ɽ/ as a phoneme in certain sociolects.

According to Nina Grønnum, tjukk l in Trøndersk is actually a postalveolar lateral flap [ɺ̠].[15]

2[edit]

/p, t, k, h/ occur only syllable-initially and [ŋ, ð, w] only syllable-finally.[16][17] [ɕ] is phonemically /sj/ and [w] is the syllable-final allophone of /v/.[18] [w] also occurs syllable-initially in English loans, along with [ɹ], but syllable-initial [w] is in free variation with [v] and these are not considered part of the phonological inventory of Danish.[19]

/ŋ/ occurs only before short vowels and stems morphophonologically, in native words, from |nɡ| or |n| preceding |k| and, in French loans, from a distinct |ŋ|. Beyond morphological boundaries, [ŋ] may also appear as the result of an optional assimilation of /n/ before /k, ɡ/.[20]

/n, t, d, s, l/ are apical alveolar [n̺, t̺s̺ʰ, t̺, s̺, l̺],[21] although some speakers realize /s/ dentally ([s̪]).[22][23]

/p, t, c, k, q/ are voiceless aspirated, with /t/ also affricated: [pʰ, tsʰ, cʰ, kʰ, qʰ].[24] The affricate [tsʰ] is often transcribed with ⟨tˢ⟩. In some varieties of standard Danish (but not the Copenhagen dialect), /t/ is just aspirated, without the affrication.[25]

/b, d, ɟ, ɡ, ɢ/ are voiceless unaspirated [p, t, c, k, q].[26] In syllable codas, weak, partial voicing may accompany them especially when between voiced sounds.[27] Utterance-final /b, d, ɟ, ɡ, ɢ/ may be realized as [pʰ, t(s)ʰ, cʰ, kʰ, qʰ], particularly in distinct speech.[28] Intervocalic /d/ may be realized as a voiced flap [ɾ], as in nordisk [ˈnoɐ̯ɾisk] 'Nordic'.[29][30]

/h/ is only weakly fricated.[31] Between vowels, it is often voiced [ɦ].[32]

/v/ can be a voiced fricative [v], but is most often a voiced approximant [ʋ].[33]

/ð/ – the so-called "soft d" (Danish: blødt d) – is a velarized laminal alveolar approximant [ð̠˕ˠ].[34][35][36] It is acoustically similar to the cardinal vowels [ɯ] and [ɨ].[35] It is commonly perceived by non-native speakers of Danish as [l].[37][35] Very rarely, /ð/ can be realized as a fricative.[36]

Syllable-initially, /r/ is a voiced uvular fricative [ʁ] or, more commonly, an approximant [ʁ̞].[38] According to Nina Grønnum, the fricative variant is voiceless [χ].[39] Its precise place of articulation has been described as pharyngeal,[40] or more broadly, as "supra-pharyngeal".[41] When emphasizing a word, word-initial /r/ may be realized as a voiced uvular fricative trill [ʀ̝].[29] In syllable-final position, /r/ is realized as [ɐ̯].[16]

The alveolar realization [r] of /r/ is very rare. According to Torp (2001), it occurs in some varieties of Jutlandic dialect, and only for some speakers (mostly the elderly). The alveolar realization is considered non-standard, even in classical opera singing – it is probably the only European language in which this is the case.[42] According to Basbøll (2005), it occurs (or used to occur until recently) in very old forms of certain conservative dialects in Northern Jutland and Bornholm.[43]

/l, j, r/ are voiceless [l̥, ç~ɕ, χ] after /p, t, k/, where the aspiration is realized as devoicing of the following consonant,[44] so that /tj/ is normally realized as an alveolo-palatal affricate [tɕ].[45]

A voiced velar continuant [ɣ] occurred distinctively in older Standard Danish. Some older speakers still use it in high register, most often as an approximant [ɣ˕].[46][47] It corresponds to [w], after back vowels and /r/, and to /j/, after front vowels and /l/, in contemporary Standard Danish.[46]

/j/ is elided after /iː, yː/, and possibly also after /eː, øː/, and less commonly after /ɛː, aː/. Similarly, /v/ is elided after /uː/, and possibly also after /oː/, and less commonly after /ɔː/.[48]

  1. ^ a b c Kristoffersen (2000), p. 22.
  2. ^ Skaug (2003), pp. 130–131.
  3. ^ Popperwell (2010), p. 58.
  4. ^ Vanvik (1979), p. 40.
  5. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), pp. 75–76, 79.
  6. ^ a b c Kristoffersen (2000), p. 74.
  7. ^ a b c Vanvik (1979), p. 41.
  8. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), pp. 24–25.
  9. ^ Endresen (1990:177), cited in Kristoffersen (2000:25)
  10. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), p. 24.
  11. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), pp. 24, 90.
  12. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), p. 23.
  13. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), pp. 22–23.
  14. ^ Kristoffersen (2000), pp. 6–11.
  15. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 155.
  16. ^ a b Basbøll (2005), p. 64.
  17. ^ Grønnum (1998), pp. 99–100.
  18. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 64–5.
  19. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 63.
  20. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 75.
  21. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 60–3, 131.
  22. ^ Thorborg (2003), p. 80. The author states that /s/ is pronounced with "the tip of the tongue right behind upper teeth, but without touching them." This is confirmed by the accompanying image.
  23. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 144. Only this author mentions both alveolar and dental realizations.
  24. ^ Grønnum (2005), pp. 120, 303–5.
  25. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 303.
  26. ^ Grønnum (2005), pp. 303–5.
  27. ^ Goblirsch (2018), pp. 134–5, citing Fischer-Jørgensen (1952) and Abrahams (1949, pp. 116–21, 228–30).
  28. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 213.
  29. ^ a b Grønnum (2005), p. 157.
  30. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 126.
  31. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 61–2.
  32. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 125.
  33. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 27.
  34. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 59, 63.
  35. ^ a b c Grønnum (2003), p. 121.
  36. ^ a b Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), p. 144.
  37. ^ Haberland (1994), p. 320.
  38. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 62, 66.
  39. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 62.
  40. ^ Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), p. 323.
  41. ^ Grønnum (1998), p. 99.
  42. ^ Torp (2001), p. 78.
  43. ^ Basbøll (2005), p. 218.
  44. ^ Basbøll (2005), pp. 65–6.
  45. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 148.
  46. ^ a b Basbøll (2005), pp. 211–2.
  47. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 123.
  48. ^ Grønnum (2005), p. 296.
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